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The Nearly Unfathomable Depths of Pentagon Corruption Part I by Bob Chapman 02 June 2008 http://www.theinter nationalforecast er.com/
A former high-ranking member of the CIA, now retired, who was a career employee, contacted us this week. Due to our reporting on Halliburton and their corruption we were given 46 pages of testimony on how Halliburton, the CIA, the Pentagon and Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld have been stealing billions of dollars. What we were presented will shortly be presented to Congressman Waxman's Oversight and Reform Committee in the House. These pages of step-by-step criminal procedure are only part of a larger body of evidence being presented to Congress. What is presented is astounding in the scope of the crime and the billions of dollars being stolen by these criminals.
The text is raw copy never seen by the public previously. This is a long read, but it shows the depth of the official corruption within our government. It is our desire that as many Americans as possible read this report. It is devastating.
The writer worked under Porter Goss until August 2004. V.P. Cheney forced Tenet out of the Agency and later this writer. The writer says Tenet was framed by Goss and Cheney.
We have not edited any of the text. It would be presumptions of us to do so.
The writer was assigned the rank of a Two-Star General when lent to the Pentagon by the CIA.
Introduction By Sue Arrigo
http://www.conspira cyplanet. com/channel. cfm?channelid= 137&contentid= 5153
I collected intelligence in Iraq and Afghanistan for the CIA until Aug. 2004 when I was outed by Cheney for refusing to make propaganda that Iran was developing nuclear weapons. My official title within the CIA was Special Operations Advisor to the Director of Central Intelligence. Since I set up the Remote Viewing Defense protocols for the Pentagon, I was given a title of Remote Viewing Advisor to the Joint Chiefs of Staff and a rank of a 2-star general in the US military. That rank was largely a bogus ploy by the Pentagon to get more of my time from the CIA and force me to attend a Joint Chiefs of Staff Meeting once a month. I did so from Oct. 2003 to July 2004.
On orders of my boss, DCI George Tenet, on Aug. 2001 I collected a moving van full of Pentagon documents showing Defense Contractor kickbacks to Pentagon officials. I removed them from the Pentagon and they were driven to the CIA. It took me about 10 days of time to get the Pentagon people to turn those documents over to me en masse. The ethical intelligence methods I used to do so are beyond the scope of this text. Alas, the CIA's intention turned out not to be to expose and correct the corruption, but to cover it up---as judged by later events.
Clearly I did not have time to read all of those documents in one week. My job was not to evaluate those documents and address the corruption, it was to run a "counter-intelligen ce" type of op to collect them. However, I did become aware of the depth of corruption during the course of the week and did read some of them. It is amazing what ended up in print because people in the Pentagon felt so immune from prosecution, esp. under Bush in the White House.
The main reason for collecting those documents, I believe in retrospect, was to allow CIA analysts to evaluate how to take business away from other US Defense Contractors and give it to Halliburton and Carlyle-related contractors. The mood at the CIA and Pentagon was "war is coming" because the Bush Family stands to make billions from it--so get ready. I did come across reports later which confirmed that the documents had been used in that fashion. That is, they were used to blackmail Pentagon officials into 'working on' the Halliburton- Carlyle team, or to judge how much to bribe them to switch to that team. So, on later reflection, I am afraid that my actions led to worse, not less, corruption. Certainly that corruption was not in the interests of the US public nor our country's national security interests.
I want to mention a conversation that I had with DCI Tenet after giving him these documents. The moving van full of them had just arrived at the CIA's headquarters in Langley. Tenet laughed and said to me "You have just given me the keys to the Kingdom". I guess that I was a bit dense, as I did not grasp immediately what he meant. So, I asked him "How?" He said to me in front of McLaughlin the Deputy Executive Director (both of whom I knew rather too well at the time) "Those documents will make me rich." Horrified that he might sell them on the black market for cash I replied "How dare you sell them to the Russians!" McLaughlin laughed and said "All she thinks of is Russian counter-intelligenc e." Tenet made a joke of it too and the discussion turned to the serious matter before us having to do with another country. But I believe that some of the documents that I brought back from the Pentagon did get sold to the Russians later to make a buck. I had been sent to collect 3 types of documents at the Pentagon and here I am only writing about one category of them.
As to the corruption that I came across at the Pentagon in Aug. 2001, I want to say a few words before going on to corruption in the Iraq and Afghan wars. Some of the details may have slipped my mind. I have a good audio memory, but precise dates, names and places are not my forte. But the events themselves I usually render the gist of correctly.
Case 1: The Ordering of Unneeded New Models of Fighter Planes
This case has to do with a particular kickback scheme that I read three Pentagon documents on. It involved an Air Force general on the JCS and a Defense Contractor, Boeing. He was due to discuss the Air Force's needs for new fighter planes at an upcoming JCS meeting. I went to talk to him after reading the three documents and asked him to recuse himself from giving that presentation. He refused. I then went to the Head of the JCS, General Shelton, and asked him to appoint someone else to give that presentation. It should be remembered that I had no mandate to address the corruption that I came across. I did not initially bring forward the documents when I made the request, but when he refused then I did show him the documents to make my point. He still refused to make the change.
I later discovered when back at the CIA that the Air Force General had gone ahead and made that presentation. From within the CIA I verified that he did receive the payment from Boeing that one of the documents had set forth in black and white. I reported that at the time to the Pentagon criminal investigation unit. It was rather like reporting it to the fox guarding the chicken coop. I then reported it to my boss Tenet after the Pentagon's investigation unit did not act on it to my satisfaction. That is, I found out that they had done precisely nothing with my complaint. But nothing happened as a result of my reporting it to Tenet either.
I then reported it to the GAO on a form designed rather for other problems it seemed to me--but that was the form that they insisted was the correct one. A man from the GAO did come out to the CIA and take down my complaint in person. He seemed to be sincere and thorough. I did read the report that he later wrote after he went out to the Pentagon to investigate. That report confirmed what I had said and gave an estimated amount for the amount lost to the US taxpayer through bidding that was rigged.
It did not however address the larger issue of whether those new generation planes were needed. The old planes were much, much cheaper and worked fine for their purposes. The new planes were untested and the new features seemed unnecessary to me--it was not as if we were going to be fighting the Russians and what we had was good enough to fight them anyway. Several Air Force Generals I called up on the phone to get their opinion agreed with me.
Later, I ended up on the JCS meetings myself in Oct. 2003. There was that same high ranking Air Force General still there in the JCS. He knew that I had tried to get him in trouble and he tried to get back at me in a great variety of ways. At one point he circulated the rumor that I was a lesbian--I had to laugh at that one. When I confronted him teasingly about it, he did not deny it. Had I actually been a lesbian his malicious rumor might have caused me grief. Later, he tried to pin a corruption scheme on me that I had nothing to do with but my boss at the CIA had not prevented, investigated, or stopped it.
While I was at a JSC meeting in early 2004, that same Air Force General had the gall to try to force through another unneeded plane contract for Boeing. I stood up at the meeting and said that the previous new plane had still not been delivered as it did not meet the specifications of the order and here he was trying to force the US military to buy another upgrade. Then I went on about the fact that even the first new plane was not needed. Only one general, another Air Force General, backed me up and said that a new plane did not need to be re-designed. But at the end of the discussion the vote was only the 2 of us against the new order and it went through. That made me angry as soldiers on the ground were dying from not having water in the desert and from not having adequate safety gear. The US did not need fighter planes; there was no air war going on and none in sight. The new planes were very expensive to buy and there was no reason to justify that expense. The only motivation for ordering those new planes instead of more of the ones that were already shown to work was to make big Research and Development bucks for the company and the kickbacks for the military officers. That issue never got satisfactorily addressed. It is a crime to make the companies and the brass rich at the expense of the deaths of the soldiers and civilians on the ground.
I then went to the trouble of finding out how much each Pentagon official got paid in kickbacks on that new order. It averaged $22,000 for each vote at that Joint Chiefs of Staff meeting according to their bank accounts. These were not their regular US accounts, these were the Swiss bank accounts that the CIA set up for them especially to get the kickbacks into! The highest amount went to the Air Force General who gave the presentation. Only myself and that dissenting Air Force General did not get that kickback---that is how corrupt the JCS members were in the Spring of 2004. I then went further to look at whether those men were witting to their getting kickbacks--- even though I considered the vote for the unneeded planes proof of that. But I looked at whether they would notice if that payment from Boeing was missing from their account and object to it. I did that by circulating at the next JCS meeting a notice that Boeing may have defaulted on some of its payments. It did not give specifics. All but 3 of the members of the JCS, per the phone records I had access to at the CIA, called that Swiss bank to verify that they had indeed gotten that Boeing payment! The other 3 might have gotten the information from others who called that the payments had gone through. At the next meeting, one of the members said to me "Well, of course it looked like to you that Boeing didn't make the payments, because you did not get one. I told Boeing that you had not done your share of the work". Two men standing near him agreed that that was why I had not gotten the payment. One of them added "If you want to join in, there is a good deal coming up with company X." This was at the start of a JCS meeting and most of the members were at the table already. It was not like he took me aside and whispered this in my ear. The fact was that the JCS was so corrupt that they did not have to even try to hide it from other members. End of Case 1
Case 2: Halliburton Delivers Half Full Cartons to the Swing Shift
Roughly 7 of the Pentagon documents that I had collected over the 10 days dealt with this same scam. I had set aside some to read back at the CIA. It was not until I read the 4th one on this topic that I started to have a clear idea of what the full scam entailed. That was true of much of the van load of documents; an individual document was often not very incriminating. It appeared that the duty roster at the Pentagon was being rigged to ensure that only corrupt personnel would be on duty at certain times. That way not everyone in the receiving dept. had to be bribed or coerced. It was only the swing shift with its fewer numbers of personnel who were on the take. The scam ensured that other personnel never got assigned that shift in the Receiving Dept.
When I figured that out I immediately tried to get on that shift in the Receiving Dept. under an alias to see what would happen. It was not hard for me within the CIA to make up the alias and a military background and get it assigned to the Receiving Dept.. I then put in a sick notice to say that that alias had a daytime physician's appointment and would be reporting for its first duty at the Pentagon on the swing shift. Immediately upon getting that communication at the Receiving Dept., its duty officer sent off emails to 3 other people in the Pentagon asking them what to do.
One of those people was in Rumsfeld's office. That person emailed back and told the duty officer to give the incoming man the day off and start him on the day shift the next day. The duty officer did not write back to that man. He complained in other email to one of the other 2 he had contacted that he needed the body to move boxes. One of them asked him if there was a position that he could be put in to ensure that he did not "wise up". The duty officer did not reply promptly. He waited several hours between reading that message while sending out many other messages before he replied. Then he said that the man had already arrived, which was not true, and that he would give him the least chance to 'correct his understanding' . That official took it as a fait accompli and apparently took no further steps. That man I was later able to show was taking bribes from Halliburton as I will discuss below. He worked in the Pentagon at a job that had nothing directly to do with the Receiving Dept. The third man he had emailed was his supervisor in the Receiving Dept., the regular daytime head of it. That man was driving home when the first message was sent to him. He did not read it until the next day by which time the problem of the uncorrupted man showing up had evaporated. The next message I sent was just after the swing shift started. It regretted to inform them that the incoming man had been hospitalized until further notice.
At that point I was still reading the documents and drawing my own conclusions from them by reading between the lines. I thus initiated the next test of my understanding during that same swing shift. In this case, I sent an email to that same duty officer pretending to be a Halliburton employee. Since I had read his usual traffic in emails, I knew what he expected from Halliburton' s shipping people. My email informed him that the shipment was delayed and gave a specific order number. I used a number from an order that I had reason to believe was crooked. The packing weight on it seemed too low for the goods that were listed on the invoice. I did not say how long the delay would be for sure but I hinted that it might not arrive until the morning. That triggered not 3 emails by the duty officer but 6! I was quite surprised by that. The goods were not perishable, they were military. It should not have mattered that they would arrive on the next day shift---except if they were missing part of the order! Again, one of the emails was to Rumsfeld's office and got an immediate reply. That surprised me as it was after hours about 9 pm. This was not a military emergency--this was a delayed carton. The reply from Rumsfeld's office was that he should send a courier out to intercept the delayed carton or wait himself until it arrived and sign it in and deal with it himself, even if he had to wait until morning. The duty officer apparently had done the overtime many times before and was tired of it. In one of the six emails he sent he complained bitterly that the work was taking over his life and he was getting no sleep. I want to talk about other emails first before saying more about that one.
One of the 6 emails was again to the Halliburton bribed Pentagon official. He replied from his home. He advised that the duty officer call Halliburton and see if the carton had actually left its shipping office yet and ask them to send it a day later. He suggested that the Halliburton people in the shipping office sometimes said a shipment was delayed in shipping when in fact it was delayed in their office. The duty officer did not reply to that email. He complained, in the previously mentioned email about lack of sleep, that the people were always giving him the same meaningless advice. His email to the day time Head of the Receiving asking him if he could just set aside the carton until the next swing shift did not get a reply. The next three emails were to other receivers asking them if they could come in and work that night shift or the next day shift instead of coming in on the next swing shift. There were no immediate replies to those even though they had his tales of woe and lack of sleep in them. The carton did arrive, not unduly late, and that resolved that problem that night. But I had a lot of evidence.
By morning I had one additional piece of evidence; my boss Tenet asked me to stop looking into corruption at the Pentagon's Receiving Dept.. I had not told him that I was looking at that. That meant someone else had advised him that I was and had asked it to stop. I then set out to figure out who that was and why. It did not take me long to figure it out. I sent an email to a co-worker laying out what I had found and that I had been called off looking into why the military was having trouble getting supplies to the troops on time. I had never been given that assignment, but I had been called off investigating this receiving problem and by then I knew that the two problems were related from the documents. The word Halliburton was in my email. Shortly after I sent that email a CIA official knocked on my office door. That was unusual as there was bold black lettering on the door that no one should knock without the permission of the DCI. That notice was put up by Tenet because he was tired of people taking up my time. He wanted it all to himself and his chores. The man then barged in without waiting for a reply from me and stated loudly that I had been called off looking into supply problems at the Pentagon, not supply problems to the troops. Since the person I had emailed was in the next office, presumably it was for their ears that he was speaking so loudly. He then shut the door and walked off, again without waiting for a reply from me. That man was indeed someone I recognized.
At the CIA we jokingly called him "Halliburton' s Representative to the CIA". Like his counterpart at the Pentagon he handled all of the delivery problems for Halliburton products arriving at the CIA. He was paid by a federal salary, just like that Pentagon man. But after looking into their backgrounds I could find no evidence that either had been hired by the CIA or the military through their personnel depts. Neither had done military training or trained at "the Farm" as a spy. The more I looked into that, which I had not been called off of, the more curious it became.
Finally one day months later I knocked on the "Halliburton' s Representative to the CIA" 's office door. I was surprised when it opened to find not the office of a single man but a whole section of offices. I had worked at the CIA for over 30 years and thought I knew it inside and out. But a new section had been added onto the other side of that door. Over 40 people worked in it and they were all working for Halliburton while being paid by the US taxpayer as if they were CIA. I checked that carefully. The CIA's human resources dept. had no files on them. It had never interviewed them for the job. IT HAD NEVER VETTED THEM! The CIA had a back door in its security created to let Halliburton put anyone they wanted into the hallways of the CIA. It was an outrageous violation of US National Security. And this was after 911 and the terrorism scare.
I immediately reported it to Tenet and he said, "Yes, I know."
I checked with the Head of CIA building security and he admitted that he knew too. I asked him what he was going to do about it. He said "Keep my mouth shut so I can stay alive and I suggest you do the same." That sounded like a threat to me, even though indirectly worded. I asked him who would kill me if I talked about it. He hemmed and hawed a bit. I asked him if he would try to kill me if I talked about it. He said no but others would. I went fishing and asked, "Do you think Halliburton will kill me for it?" He didn't say. Then I asked "Will the CIA?" He said, "Not likely, you are inside the CIA." Then I asked "CACI?" At that he agreed that they would likely try in defense of their sister enterprise Halliburton. I asked him if CACI had their own back door into the CIA that I should be afraid of them while I was inside the CIA. He acknowledged that they did.
Now back to my knocking on the Halliburton company offices at the CIA. A security guard immediately asked me for my Halliburton ID. When I did not have one, he asked me if I had an appointment to see someone. I mentioned the name of the man who knocked on my door and that man came out to greet me. He invited me into his office. The furniture in it was better than the DCI had upstairs though this was on the ground floor. We chit chatted a few minutes and then I got down to business. I asked him if Halliburton intended to short the troops on their supplies on purpose or was incompetent. By then I had the evidence in my office that Halliburton was shipping only half of the invoice contents in many of its cartons. That was true in the war zones as well. It had set up the same corrupt system of swing shift receivers on at least 3 continents. They received the cartons and signed that the goods were all received properly. Then the shortages later were chalked up to thefts or war damage, etc. He looked at me awhile before he replied. Then he said, "I know nothing about it". I then laid copies of some of the documents that I had on his desk that proved that Halliburton was doing that. He said he would look into it and called security to usher me out of the office.
Later that day, (it was after Christmas in 2001) I reported to Tenet that I had found evidence that Halliburton was short shipping to the Pentagon and war zones. He at first said, "That is nothing new." And then realizing that he had just admitted knowing about it without correcting it said, "Have a report about it on my desk before Christmas." He had been saying that probably for weeks and now under the stress of my asking him about this corruption, automatically repeated that comment. Christmas had passed about 3 days before at the very least. When he caught his mistake a moment later, he said "I just can't get rid of that problem." I then asked him what he had tried to do about it. He did not reply. Instead he sent me to speak to another man he said that he had put to work on the problem.
Yes, you guessed it--he sent me to speak to "Halliburton' s Representative to the CIA". I had just come from his office that morning and I said so. Tenet played ignorant of the fact that the man worked for Halliburton. I reminded Tenet that I had been asked to show my Halliburton ID to even get to his office. He offered to call down there to make sure I could get in when I went. I told him that it was his responsibility to correct Halliburton' s short shipping and its invasion of the CIA, not Halliburton' s. He said that he couldn't because his "hands were tied behind his back" by the White House. I made a mock walk around to the other side of him to look for his hands tied behind him and said "That is not what I see." He said "There is nothing I can do about it." I picked up his phone and handed it to him and said, "You can start by calling Congress, the FBI, and the New York Times. They would believe you, if you did so." He declined to make those calls. I told him that the head of the CIA should be a man of courage. But he never did make the calls.
I went to my office and started making calls. First I faxed the documents I had over to the GAO. I needed to have copies of them outside of my office before it got raided. They were not national security secrets, they were Halliburton short shipping papers. One of them was even a memo on Halliburton stationery discussing the short shipping policy and how well it was working to make profits for the company. It appeared that each time they got a call complaining that an order was short or missing that they considered it another new order. I say that because the documents I had showed that they created a new order number that did not refer back to the order number of the missing goods or mention that any goods had been missing. In that way they never lost by having to make good for the part of an order that was missing. When I called the GAO to make sure that they received the documents they checked them carefully to make sure that they were all legible. There were over 100 pages of documents and it took them awhile. After they finished they agreed to look for the GAO investigator who had come out to speak to me before. But before they could get him on the phone to me, there was a knock at my door and in barged "Halliburton' s Representative to the CIA". He yanked my phone out of the wall. Then he had his security guards ransack my office and take every shred of paper out of it. Then he had me bodily hauled off to a prison cell inside the Halliburton offices at the CIA. It was in the basement. There I was intimidated and my life was threatened. I wondered if it would be ended. It occurred to me that the CIA head of building security might not know that Halliburton had its own torturers and assassins. I decided to cooperate. I promised not to investigate Halliburton for the rest of the year. I figured I could keep my promise for the about 2 days left in the year. The date was probably Friday, Dec. 28, 2001, now that I look at a calendar. Somehow they accepted my promise and let me go. End of Case 2
I immediately went up to Tenet's office and complained and showed him the bruises that they had given me. He said, "There, there, everything will be all right in the morning." That was not true. Halliburton was still stealing the US taxpayer's dollars in the morning and the troops were still doing without. But at that time I was too tired to fight any more that day. I decided to put myself in a place that I could keep my promise and asked leave to fly back to my home in California. Tenet agreed and I managed to get out of the building without further incident.
I believe that the GAO still has the documents that I sent them buried in its files. They started an investigation into it and then it was "interrupted" . But I believe that they are willing to go forward with the investigation now, if asked to. I believe that you're asking them to do that would be enough to accomplish that. The GAO has done a lot of good work. You could write a letter to its Head and ask them to restart that investigation. End of Case 2
Case 3: The White House Conspiracy to Cook the Books: Halliburton, Carlyle and the CIA
When I returned to the CIA in the New Year in 2002, I had to put my office back in order. As I did that I thought about what I had done wrong and decided to try not to end up with a stripped office the next time. So, I decided to tackle the problem from a different angle, one I hoped would be tamer. Thus, I went down to the "Halliburton' s Representative to the CIA"'s office and profusely apologized to him. Then I did something that I knew Tenet would not like, I offered to give him some of my time. Tenet had not protected me from his apparent 'boss' judging by his behavior and the man's office furniture. So, I figured that I needed to kowtow to him appropriately on the surface. My offer would also get me inside of his office with a Halliburton security clearance. He accepted my offer of 10 hours a week of my time. Then I went and told Tenet. He was furious with me but he did not oppose it in any meaningful way. I did not get the title of Special Operations Advisor to the DCI by letting red tape and meaningless 'No's' stand in my way. It was a title I had been given just prior to the 1991 Iraq War and I had a lot of experience in getting past No.
My work for Halliburton ran only until late May 2002, about 4 and a half months. In that time I learned a very great deal about Halliburton and how it works. Thus, I find that it is unlikely that I can write it all down in less than a full length book and do it justice. But I still want to give some of the overview and highlights of what I learned.
First off, it was not true that Cheney stopped running Halliburton. That is a complete myth. He called in orders to the man I worked for almost every day and sometimes twice or more times a day. He remained the functional head of it in all but name. No one at Halliburton had the power to override his orders.
Second, it is not true that he divested himself of the profits of the company. He merely hid how they got to him through a series of shell companies.
Case 4: Halliburton' s Rigging a Back Door in the Pentagon Accounting Computer
Rumsfeld had let Halliburton set up offices inside the Pentagon just like Tenet had let them at the CIA. That was the result of secret executive orders signed by Bush, Jr.. I had by that time a copy of that executive order and handed it to the GAO investigator along with many other documents that I brought to that meeting. National security was being trashed by the Bush Administration and what I did had the potential to help restore national security. None of the documents would have helped the Russians, the Chinese, etc. wage war against us. I had had that independently verified by CIA analysts before I handed over those documents. Correcting the theft of funds would help US national security.
One of the documents that I handed over was the list of Halliburton personnel at the CIA and at the Pentagon. Their physical offices were together in each location with their own security personnel. I verified that with my own eyes the next time I had occasion to go to the Pentagon 20 minutes drive away.
But no one called to verify that they were not felons who had served their time already. Thus, when I checked I found that "Halliburton' s Representative to the CIA" who was then already my boss for 10 hours a week was a felon who had served time on a felony conviction of fraud. Not unsurprisingly then, one of the top men at Halliburton' s Pentagon Suite was his partner in that crime who had also been convicted of a felony.
Their felony crime was stealing new vehicles bought by the US Army in large numbers while they were en route to be delivered to the Army. They had then been sold overseas and the profits pocketed.
His Pentagon badge listed him as an 'accountant' . I could find no evidence that he had been to business school unless one counted his jail time as that. His resume that I found elsewhere where he served as a board of Director on a company listed a business school during the time he spent in prison, about 4 years. I called up that business school and asked if they had a 'prison outreach program'. They said no. I asked them if they had a graduate by that name and they declined to comment. But when I faxed them a copy of the man's resume after a cover letter on CIA letterhead saying that he was posing as a graduate of their school they issued a denial that he had ever enrolled. I gave all those papers to the investigator.
I had a memo from Cheney to him that was handwritten and addressed to him personally which directed him to "make sure that the Pentagon pays us all that it owes us and then some". The memo appeared to have been hand delivered. The CIA's forgery dept. verified the note as Cheney's handwriting and not a forgery.
Another piece of evidence was a tape of their conversation at that meeting. On that tape the Pentagon felon bragged with delight about how gullible people were at the Pentagon. He spoke about his going into the Accounting Dept. of the Pentagon and making friends with some of them. He managed to bring his own programmer in to "check the bills from Halliburton" on the excuse that they had not been paid on time. Then his programmer had managed to insert code by calling up the Halliburton computer from the Pentagon's Accounting computer to "check if all the outstanding bills had been paid". That code put in a back door into the Pentagon's Accounting computer so that Halliburton could later change the amount that the Pentagon would pay whenever they wanted. The reason Halliburton had gotten caught was that someone forgot to change their billings up to what they had put in the Pentagon's computer.
Another piece of evidence that I gave him was my boss having one of his programmers insert that same code into the CIA's Accounting computer. I waited until he did it and then I collected the evidence, the code. The code from the CIA's Accounting computer with a couple of lines before and after it to show where it had been inserted was the fourth piece of evidence. That evidence was on a computer disc. I had one of the accounting people sign it as coming from their computer.
I had first taken all that evidence to my boss Tenet to give him a chance to correct the problem of Halliburton ripping off the American taxpayer via the CIA and Pentagon. He looked at the evidence and said, "Well, you certainly have done a thorough job as usual." Then he offered to send the evidence over to the White House to 'correct the problem'. I immediately picked up the evidence off his desk and walking out of his office said that I could do that myself. I did send a copy of the evidence to the White House. I did that after I met with the GAO official. The White House managed to block the investigation. But the evidence was not destroyed.
The Nearly Unfathomable Depths of Pentagon Corruption Part II 10 June 2008
http://www.theinter nationalforecast er.com/
Case 9: Cheney's White House Sale of National Security
James Reilly had helped me get 8,000 women and children out of being killed in an execution order, (in Vietnam). We had discussed the risk of him being killed when he helped me rescue the women and children of Operation Phoenix from the execution order. He was not in denial about the real dangers; he accepted them voluntarily with his eyes wide open. The danger was not that the Vietnamese would kill him, but that the CIA's assassins would on Colby's orders.
CIA members indeed had done many dreadful tortures around the world since its inception (See ex-CIA John Stockwell's In Search of Enemies and The CIA's War Against the Third World www.informationclea ringhouse. info/article4068 .htm http://www.informat ionclearinghouse .info/article406 8.htm and http://www.youtube. com/watch? v=eootfzAhAoU or listen to my radio broadcast on the American Awakening program for May 1,2008 in the Show Archives at http://www.republic broadcasting. com). The CIA had trained and equipped torture units and death squads around the world. They had done that to support military dictators who would help the US corporations steal the labor, land, resources, and rights of the populace.
DCIs, usually on orders from the White House, were routinely ordering the torture of thousands of people around the world. The motive was mainly economic. The profits of the black ops of the CIA all went into private pockets. Ex-CIA operative Al Martin's book The Conspirators: Secrets of an Iran-Contra Insider details in his book the many financial scams he wrote for the Robber Barons. He quotes Col. Ollie North as being shocked that only 3% of the illicit profits from the Savings and Loan Scandal and related CIA swindles went to fund the Contras. Al Martin says 97% went into the pockets of politicians. Al Martin cites Bush, Sr. as saying, "If the public ever finds out about this, they will lynch us." Al Martin also exposed Operation Orpheus, a contingency plan to install martial law, if the public did find out. That operation was to cause a limited nuclear exchange between the US and another country to have an excuse to impose martial law. Ollie North briefed him on it. Al Martin asked him how many US citizens the US Administration (Reagan and Bush, Sr.) intended to kill that way. Ollie North said, "50 to 70 million."
Al Martin, in that book, also talks about approximately 400 CIA operatives dying suspiciously right before the Iran Contra hearings in Congress. DCI Casey died of a supposed brain tumor before he could testify at those hearings. The X-rays and tests in 'his medical' file were not his. Those skull X-rays did not match his dental records, when I got them directly from his dentist. Here is some information about Casey's death from Wikepedia at http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/ William_J. _Casey
"According to a 600-page report by the CIA inspector general, Frederick Hitz http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/ Frederick_ Hitz , the CIA under Casey was complicit http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/ CIA_and_Contra% 27s_cocaine_ trafficking_ in_the_US in the Contras' massive narco-trafficking operation which resulted in the crack epidemic http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/ Crack_epidemic .2007-07-11 16:58:27 http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/ William_J. _Casey#cite_ note-4
Hours before Casey was scheduled to testify before Congress about his knowledge of Iran-Contra http://en.wikipedia .org/wiki/ Iran-Contra , he was reported to have been rendered incapable of speech, and was later hospitalized.
The CIA had done purges of operatives to cover its guilt the way Stalin had done purges of the KGB in Russia. The only difference was in the numbers killed. Since I had lived through several of those purges in the decades I had been at the CIA, it occurred to me that my friend James might have died in one. He was a member of the oversight committee. Four of about 16 members of the oversight of Halliburton' s thefts at the CIA had died in under a year; he was the 5th. Two had been tortured to death in precisely this fashion before; James made the 3rd. The members of the oversight committee were terrified. Two members quit shortly thereafter out of fear.
It was a blatant omission of the facts of the case that Tenet had not informed me of the over 100 adult victims. In retrospect, it appeared that that omission had to have been intentional. Was it to hide the fact that the oversight committee had lost so many of its members? I was concerned at the glaring omission in Tenet's briefing of me. It suggested that the murders of the CIA people and their family members was not 'random violence' by madmen, but targeted violence to achieve a political aim. It appeared that Tenet was witting to the aim and trying to cover it up.
It should be remembered from the previous cases that Cheney had threatened me with death. Thus, there was no reason to believe that he was opposed to ordering the deaths of others to achieve his goals.
I began investigating the possibility that the White House was targeting CIA personnel for political or economic reasons. I looked at the list of CIA personnel whose family unit had suffered a death and compared it to those family units that had not.
There were several large groups of CIA personnel which had no deaths due to that torture modus operandi. They were groups that had no contact with Halliburton or its people. There were other groups that had high death rates in them, such as those in a position to notice what Halliburton stole.
Call the paramilitary computer owner of Case 8, Merk, for mercenary recruiter. Merk had previously been investigated by US officials for fraud, had unregistered weapons and stolen goods at his house. It was not hard for me to get a warrant. From the Mossad and other sources, I obtained archived copies of his phone calls, emails, and faxes. I found a particular person at the CIA who was instructing him in which groups to omit, and more rarely to add, to that mailed out personnel file. He was an administrative assistant to Tenet. He handled a subset of correspondence to and from Tenet. Most of that correspondence was to and from Corporations, including Halliburton. When I took all of his instructions into account over time, then the hits were uniformly distributed over the targets. When I took all of his instructions into account over time, then the hits were uniformly distributed over the targets. That is, there was an excellent correspondence between the actual deaths and the amount of time that the person had been targeted. The oversight people were always on the list to target and so they had the highest death rates. It appeared that this method of targeting people was designed to make it appear that the deaths were random acts of violence. But in fact, that was not the case; particular groups were indeed being targeted for a 'reign of terror'.
I had done an extensive background check on that Administrative Assistant. He had been hired at the CIA shortly after Cheney took office. He had worked for a company that Cheney owned in the past. The books at that company had been cooked. I had also looked into what he did each day at the CIA. Although he was officially Tenet's Administrative Assistant, the work he did all day was directed almost exclusively by Cheney. It was as if, he was in Tenet's vicinity in order to frame Tenet for misdeeds that Cheney accomplished through him.
Tenet admitted that he had been told to hide from me the adult CIA deaths by the White House. But, he said that he could not in good conscience ignore the deaths of the family members. Thus, he had given me the assignment in the fashion that he did. He refused to say who at the White House had told him to cover up the adult CIA deaths. By then, I already knew. I had run across the tape of the Presidential Briefing at which that had happened. Bush had asked him how things were going over at the CIA. When Tenet started to complain about the number of deaths, Bush stopped him. He had said, "We will not discuss the deaths, ever." He had not actually said, "We will not discuss the adult deaths". So, Tenet had misheard, or misinterpreted, or decided to try to correct the problem. Had Tenet really wanted to cover up the problem of the deaths, he would not have given the problem to a remote viewer with investigative espionage skills and the courage to pursue the case. It would have been easy for him to give the case to someone who would do a "Warren Report" cover-up. He had not. He had assigned several people before me to look into it. They had made honest efforts mostly to investigate and then had backed off out of fear for their lives.
It was criminal negligence for the DCI to allow unvetted people into the CIA. It was criminal negligence to not take all reasonable and necessary steps to ensure US National Security as was his sworn duty to do. That required him to take all reasonable and necessary steps to correct those breaches of CIA security or resign. He did not resign and the predictable deaths of innocent women and children happened "on his shift".
Someone in the White House selected who was to be targeted from Cheney's copy of the list. A computer technician wittingly made that CD, apparently at Cheney's direction as he put it on Cheney's desk without a note of explanation. Someone gave the list to the Administrative Assistant. Someone kept making decisions to change that list. Someone kept giving those changes to the Administrative Assistant every two weeks. Thus, it appeared that a group of conspirators plotted the deaths of CIA personnel, and continued executing that plan after 169 of them died, including 2 dozen women and children. Those people ought to be in jail for the rest of their lives next to Aldrich Ames, if there were any shred of justice in this country.
End of Case 9 (Submitted to the Committee on Thursday, May 22, 2008
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Case 10: Rumsfeld Tried to Bribe Me and Worse...
Rumsfeld walked into my office at the Pentagon in about late Nov. 2003 and tried to bribe me with an increase in rank, salary, and $20,000. I had previously investigated several cases of Pentagon fraud; Rumsfeld had blocked prosecution of them. I was starting to work on another case. Private contractors were being charged big fees for setting up trailers at military bases in the war zones. The fees were on the order of $20,000 to $50,000 a year for a water, toilet and electricity hook up on a 60 ft. by 20 ft. piece of desert. In Iraq, $20,00 would have bought you a nice house with water, toilet, and electricity before the US arrived. But what made it a scam instead of just an official rip off was that half the fee had to be paid up front in cash as a kickback to even get the space. Otherwise the request simply never got acted upon in time for the contractor to do his work. The evidence that I had collected so far showed that Rumsfeld was getting that cash when the fee was paid at the Pentagon. That evidence included security camera footage of contractors paying the cash into Rumsfeld's hands in his office. It also included Xeroxes of 5 matching pages of the 2 sets of books which he kept. The company's representative was shown one set of books listing the inflated price when Rumsfeld asked for the money. The Pentagon set of books recorded only the amount paid by check. When that kickback was collected in the war zones, he appeared to be getting half of the cash. But, I only had one Pentagon source and he was not willing to sign a statement. For each 100 contractor trailers set up it appeared that Rumsfeld was making about $1 million. My best guess was that there were at least 2,500 such trailers set up in the war zones, bringing the figure to 25 times as much for at least a $25 million a year profit. He was depositing the cash in the vault in his office. Once a week an armored car picked it up and took it to the Chase Bank, a Rockefeller enterprise. I did not know how much Rockefeller got to launder that cash into an account, if anything. At that point I did not yet know into which account the cash was going.
Officially, I did counter-intelligenc e at both the CIA and Pentagon, not corruption investigations. But the dividing line between counter-intelligenc e work and fighting corruption is often non-existent in practice. That is because corruption is an almost invariable facet of a foreign penetration of an agency. So, if one ignores corruption, one has already lost the battle to prevent foreign penetration of an agency. To tell a counter-intelligenc e person to ignore corruption while they do their work, is like telling a police officer to ignore others in his office taking illegal drugs while he does his work. It is an oxymoron.
When Rumsfeld sat down and started talking about how I should "shape up" and "become a team member", I had a sick feeling in the pit of my stomach. Not wanting him to waste my time, I cut to the chase. I asked him, "What is in it for me?", as if I were willing to be corrupted.
He laid out a set of 'fringe benefits' which included a bonus and a promotion. I asked him to put it in writing and said that I would think about it overnight. He said he would and then got down to the details of what he wanted me to do "to earn that promotion and $20,000 bonus". What he wanted me to do was head a department at the Pentagon to "investigate" its fraud problems. But as I listened to the specifics of what he wanted me to do it sounded like the real point was to block all investigations.
That is, he conceded that the Pentagon's Criminal Investigation Division (CID) was not pursuing prosecution of corruption-- he was the one blocking that! (see case 5) He said that all of the corruption cases would be sent over to my dept. allowing CID to "handle the serious criminal problems" better.
I wondered what he considered a serious crime, if sending soldiers into battle without bullet proof vests and equipment that worked wasn't considered one. Soldiers had died from having vests that were too hot to wear and didn't work. Another company made vests for $20 less a piece that were cooler and did work, but apparently did not make anyone a kickback. I wondered what he considered a serious crime, if allowing Halliburton to ship the soldiers only half food and water rations in the desert was not a serious crime? At least 4 soldiers had died of dehydration directly as a result of Halliburton' s routinely shorting the shipments. It had been known since WWII that soldiers fighting in the desert could not drink enough water to rehydrate themselves unless they had enough of food to eat with it. I wondered what he considered a serious crime, if continuing to test artillery units that knocked soldiers unconscious or crushed them to death, was not a serious crime? (see case 5). It appeared that an enemy agent must be behind those decisions. Sending soldiers into battle without the water, food, and equipment they need is more cruel than summary execution of them. It causes them not just physical suffering but the intense suffering of knowing that their country has betrayed them. They often commit suicide after months or years of cruel and intense mental anguish (see Post-War Suicides May Exceed Combat Deaths, U.S. Says at http://www.bloomber g.com/apps/ news?pid= 20601124& sid=a2_71Klo2vig &refer=home
In the UK a judge said that sending soldiers into battle without proper equipment violates their human rights--their right to life!
Then I asked Rumsfeld if I would be doing the investigations myself or overseeing them. He said, "Oh, not yourself, Tenet said that he can spare you at most 4 hours". I asked him if he had gotten from Tenet a firm promise of 4 hours of my time, as Tenet usually jealously guarded my time. He admitted that he had not. When I asked him how many staff I would have and with what training and skills, a blank look passed across his face. He said, "We will talk about it, if you sign on". I again pressed him, asking him what the budget of the department would be. He looked away uncomfortably, rocked his chair up on its back legs and said "It is something to be discussed". Later in the conversation, I mentioned by name a Major I would want in my dept.. He again rocked his chair onto its back legs during a pause and then said, "We would have to see if there is money in the budget for him." Majors are not high ticket salaries. What was he intending to use, a single unskilled Private to investigate the corruption of Generals and the tens of thousands of Pentagon employees and private contractors? In short, it appeared that he intended to create a corruption investigation unit with 4 hours of oversight of no workers at all. The GAO intended the position to be a full time one. It was quite possible that Tenet would be used in this scheme to prevent my even spending 4 hours a week at the task. His offer was clearly designed to foil the GAO's intention. For me to accept, under the proposal he designed, would have been selling my soul straight to the devil.
After he left about 40 minutes later, I made some enquires. Previously, Rumsfeld had asked 4 Pentagon officials in turn to head that department and they had all turned him down. I went to see 2 of them I knew and asked them why. One said it was a dead end job with no advancement possibilities since Rumsfeld would not allow any real investigation of the corruption cases. The other said that he didn't like having doors slammed in his face and being disliked by his colleagues. He said that he was willing to die for his country but not be ostracized for it.
Rumsfeld's office sent me over the contract for the position. It would raise me to a 3-star general from a 2-star. It would also give me about $1,200 a year more in pay, for 10% time. When I read the fine print, I saw that the contract was written up by a lawyer just for me. It referred to the signatory as a 10% Pentagon--90% CIA employed person. It appeared to have a nasty clause in it that could be used to put me in prison, if I did any actual investigating. It said that my sharing evidence with other federal agencies would be construed as the crime of disclosing National Security secrets. That crime would be punishable by 10-years imprisonment and a $50,000 fine for each occurrence. It waived my right to a jury trial in the prosecution of that crime and said that the proceedings would be secret to protect National Security. The document made it a National Security crime if I sent a corruption case over to the US Justice Dept. or talked about one to the GAO! It tried to make it legal to jail me without a fair trial, if I reported a corruption case to anyone other than Rumsfeld! In fact, it made it a National Security crime for me to even discuss a case with my boss at the CIA or the CIA's counter-intelligenc e committee. That was true even if I had uncovered a foreign mole at the Pentagon in the pursuit of a corruption case. It was as if the person writing it was so concerned about covering up their corruption that they were willing to have any number of foreign moles at the Pentagon stealing the location of US missiles and their launch codes. The document purposely perverted the term National Security to mean the security of corrupt people to steal, not the security of the Nation from all enemies foreign and domestic.
I walked down a hallway and plopped it on the desk of a Pentagon lawyer, call him Major Larrel. I asked him if this was standard in Pentagon contracts. He looked out it and asked in surprise, "This is a gag, isn't it?". I said that I did not think so, and asked him to find out for certain. He found the Pentagon lawyer who had written it and talked to him. It was not a gag as in a joke. But it was a gag as in a gag order.
I went back to two of the men who had turned down the position and asked to see their contracts. Only one of them had bothered to ask for one. It was completely different from mine and seemed quite standard. The lawyer thought so too. I then investigated and found out that Rumsfeld had briefed the lawyer who wrote up my custom contract in his office. I was in luck--over a dozen intelligence agencies had bugs in his office and it was not hard for me to get a copy of that conversation.
It should be noted in this context that I had frequently advised Tenet, Rumsfeld, and the White House that their offices were bugged by foreign intelligence agencies. I had also offered to help them correct that problem. They rarely took me up on that offer. When they had, I had proven to them that they had many bugs that the bug sweepers did not pick up. The time I helped locate bugs in the Oval Office in 2004, there were 16 bugs found AFTER THE BUG SWEEPERS went through. Most were in expensive gifts that sat on desks, on shelves, or hung on walls. In order to prevent recurrences, they had to follow the security procedures. Those included not letting criminals/foreign agents come into their offices to plant the bugs. It also included not excepting any gifts "from admirers". Since they refused to use those standard intelligence procedures, they usually had a full set of bugs in place again a week after a set was cleared out. It was part of how their reckless behavior shredded real National Security. Corruption is the willingness violate the common good for a private gain. Corruption is always an enemy of National Security.
I asked Major Larrel to listen to the tape and give me his opinion as to whether it was legal. He said that he was shocked at the contents and begged me to listen to it myself. He listed about 4 violations in it, one being a conspiracy to commit fraud. Another was to silence whistle blowers by violating their rights to due process. A third was the intention to falsely imprison a person. The fourth was on the order of undue legal risk in the execution of one's official duties. I did not have time to listen to the tape then. I sent it over to the GAO as evidence as was my habit.
About 2 days later, I got a frantic call from a man at the GAO. He was not the one that I had sent material to before who shelved it for future use--when the political climate became accommodating. This GAO official had listened to the tape and then referred the matter to the US Justice Department He was frantic to reach me as a lawyer at Justice wanted me to come to an appointment to see him that afternoon. I barely had time to make it over there from the CIA. He said that he had been trying to reach me at the CIA by phone and couldn't. I had been in my office all the time he had tried to reach me. I said that I had also had that problem that the GAO official could not reach me, unless I happened to pick up to call out. He said that that was 'obstruction of justice'. He also said that he had listened to the tape, something I had not done yet, and that I needed to prosecute immediately. I asked him why. He said, "Because the case is so egregious". I asked him why he thought that. He played me a two-minute section of the tape. Rumsfeld had asked the lawyer to write up the contract so that I could be imprisoned for exposing fraud. The Justice lawyer then went on about how that was a felony offense. He had not yet seen the contract. I showed him the original. He was completely shocked that the lawyer had put it in writing, proving that he was in on the conspiracy to deprive me of my right to freedom.
As we were speaking in his office, an official barged in. He was not that lawyer's boss, but the boss of his boss. He insisted that I leave the Justice Department immediately. At first he had said that I was wanted at the Pentagon. I told him I was done for the week at the Pentagon. He came back about 15 minutes later and said that I was needed immediately at the CIA. I called the CIA and found that no one was looking for my help then. He came back about 10 minutes later and just insisted that I leave. I asked him on what grounds. He started spouting legalese at me that sounded like he was accusing me of 'being unwanted' and 'trespassing' . I told him that I had an appointment and had been invited to come. He went away and about 10 minutes later came back again. He said that he had called the security guards to remove me already, and that I better leave immediately or I would be arrested. I wanted to see what the charge was against me. I felt that I had a right to know and said so. So, I stayed. The lawyer I was talking to had agreed that I had a right to know and invited me to stay. He had told the higher official that it appeared that I was being harassed.
The guards took almost 20 minutes to arrive. They refused to answer the question I asked about what the charge was. They insisted I leave. The lawyer told them I was an invited guest of his. But they started manhandling my body. I went limp and asked them to arrest me, if they had charges against me. They got very mad at me. They had no charges. They had rehearsed charging me with resisting arrest and that was what one said to me. The lawyer laughed since I had just asked them to arrest me. One of the guards then struck me in view of both the lawyer, the security camera and the other guard. I had to laugh at that move--the man was a fool. I had a bruise on my shoulder where he had hit me hard with his fist. It was a bruise as large as a grapefruit within a minute or so. Apparently, he had ruptured a large blood vessel in my shoulder. Being a medical physician I wanted to look at it and apply pressure to it. I pulled my blouse off the shoulder without exposing so much as my bra and applied pressure to the part of the bruise that was swelling the fastest. The guards then wrote up a ridiculous citation saying that I had fallen down the stairs and exposed myself like a flasher! I had not left the office nor exposed myself as the security camera footage clearly showed. I asked to file a complaint of assault and battery and they refused to take it. They ended up bodily carrying me by arms and legs out the door of the Justice Department with the lawyer following in tow the whole time. They dropped me on the sidewalk causing bruising of my tail bone. I again asked them to tell me the charges and to arrest me which they did not do.
The lawyer carefully documented what he had witnessed and had it notarized. I went to a physician and had the injuries documented. I then went to the FBI Headquarters close to the Justice Department and filed the assault and battery charges. They gave me a copy of that complaint paperwork. I then sent it, the lawyer's statement, and later the tape of the security camera footage to my usual GAO official. With the evidence I had sent a note that it appeared not to be possible yet to file a case against Rumsfeld.
Perhaps I should mention how I was able to collect so much security camera footage and evidence. I taught intelligence collection classes to CIA, Defense Intelligence, and Office of Naval officers. I had taught thousands of officers over the decades. Some of them were more than willing to pitch in to help me fight corruption. It also gave them a little more of my time as we
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